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State of Texas v. United States

United States Court of Appeals, Fifth Circuit

December 18, 2019

STATE OF TEXAS; STATE OF ALABAMA; STATE OF ARIZONA; STATE OF FLORIDA; STATE OF GEORGIA; STATE OF INDIANA; STATE OF KANSAS; STATE OF LOUISIANA; STATE OF MISSISSIPPI, by and through Governor Phil Bryant; STATE OF MISSOURI; STATE OF NEBRASKA; STATE OF NORTH DAKOTA; STATE OF SOUTH CAROLINA; STATE OF SOUTH DAKOTA; STATE OF TENNESSEE; STATE OF UTAH; STATE OF WEST VIRGINIA; STATE OF ARKANSAS; NEILL HURLEY; JOHN NANTZ, Plaintiffs - Appellees,
v.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA; UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH; HUMAN SERVICES; ALEX AZAR, II, SECRETARY, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES; UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF INTERNAL REVENUE; CHARLES P. RETTIG, in his Official Capacity as Commissioner of Internal Revenue, Defendants - Appellants, STATE OF CALIFORNIA; STATE OF CONNECTICUT; DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA; STATE OF DELAWARE; STATE OF HAWAII; STATE OF ILLINOIS; STATE OF KENTUCKY; STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS; STATE OF NEW JERSEY; STATE OF NEW YORK; STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA; STATE OF OREGON; STATE OF RHODE ISLAND; STATE OF VERMONT; STATE OF VIRGINIA; STATE OF WASHINGTON; STATE OF MINNESOTA, Intervenor-Defendants - Appellants.

          Appeals from the United States District Court for the Northern District of Texas

          Before KING, ELROD, and ENGELHARDT, Circuit Judges.

          JENNIFER WALKER ELROD, CIRCUIT JUDGE

         The Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (the Act or ACA) is a monumental piece of healthcare legislation that regulates a huge swath of the nation's economy and affects the healthcare decisions of millions of Americans. The law has been a focal point of our country's political debate since it was passed nearly a decade ago. Some say that the Act is a much-needed solution to the problem of increasing healthcare costs and lack of healthcare availability. Many of the amici in this case, for example, argue that the law has extensively benefitted everyone from children to senior citizens to local governments to small businesses. Others say that the Act is a costly exercise in burdensome governmental regulation that deprives people of economic liberty. Amici of this perspective argue, for example, that the Act "has deprived patients nationwide of a competitive market for affordable high-deductible health insurance," leaving "patients with no alternative to . . . skyrocketing premiums." Association of American Physicians & Surgeons Amicus Br. at 15.

         None of these policy issues are before the court. And for good reason- the courts are not institutionally equipped to address them. These issues are far better left to the other two branches of government. The questions before the court are far narrower: questions of law, not of policy. Those questions are: First, is there a live case or controversy before us even though the federal defendants have conceded many aspects of the dispute; and, relatedly, do the intervenor-defendant states and the U.S. House of Representatives have standing to appeal? Second, do the plaintiffs have standing? Third, if they do, is the individual mandate unconstitutional? Fourth, if it is, how much of the rest of the Act is inseverable from the individual mandate?

         We answer those questions as follows: First, there is a live case or controversy because the intervenor-defendant states have standing to appeal and, even if they did not, there remains a live case or controversy between the plaintiffs and the federal defendants. Second, the plaintiffs have Article III standing to bring this challenge to the ACA; the individual mandate injures both the individual plaintiffs, by requiring them to buy insurance that they do not want, and the state plaintiffs, by increasing their costs of complying with the reporting requirements that accompany the individual mandate. Third, the individual mandate is unconstitutional because it can no longer be read as a tax, and there is no other constitutional provision that justifies this exercise of congressional power. Fourth, on the severability question, we remand to the district court to provide additional analysis of the provisions of the ACA as they currently exist.

         I.

         On March 23, 2010, President Barack Obama signed the ACA into law. See Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, Pub. L. No. 111-148, 124 Stat. 119 (2010). The Act sought to "increase the number of Americans covered by health insurance and decrease the cost of health care" through several key reforms. See Nat'l Fed'n of Indep. Bus. v. Sebelius (NFIB), 567 U.S. 519, 538 (2012).

         Some of those reforms implemented new consumer protections, aiming primarily to protect people with preexisting conditions. For example, the law prohibits insurers from refusing to cover preexisting conditions. 42 U.S.C. § 300gg-3. The "guaranteed-issue requirement" forbids insurers from turning customers away because of their health. See 42 U.S.C. §§ 300gg, 300gg-1. The "community-rating requirement" keeps insurers from charging people more because of their preexisting health issues. 42 U.S.C. § 300gg-4.[1] The law also requires insurers to provide coverage for certain types of care, including women's and children's preventative care. 42 U.S.C. § 300gg-13(a)(3)-(4).[2]

         Other reforms sought to lower the cost of health insurance by using both policy "carrots" and "sticks."[3] On the stick side, the individual mandate- which plaintiffs challenge in the instant case-requires individuals to "maintain [health insurance] coverage." 26 U.S.C. § 5000A(a). If individuals do not maintain this coverage, they must make a payment to the IRS called a "shared responsibility payment."[4] Id.; see also King v. Burwell, 135 S.Ct. 2480, 2486 (2015).

         The individual mandate was designed to lower insurance premiums by broadening the insurance pool. See 42 U.S.C. § 18091(2)(J) ("By significantly increasing . . . the size of purchasing pools, . . . the [individual mandate] will significantly . . . lower health insurance premiums."). When the young and healthy must buy insurance, the insurance pool faces less risk, which, at least in theory, leads to lower premiums for everyone. See 42 U.S.C. § 18091(2)(I) (positing that the individual mandate will "broaden the health insurance risk pool to include healthy individuals, which will lower health insurance premiums"). The individual mandate thus serves as a counterweight to the ACA's protections for preexisting conditions, which push riskier, costlier individuals into the insurance pool. Under the protections for consumers with preexisting conditions, if there were no individual mandate, there would arguably be an "adverse selection" problem: "many individuals would," in theory, "wait to purchase health insurance until they needed care." Id.[5]

         The Act also sought to lower insurance costs for some consumers through policy "carrots," providing tax credits to offset the cost of insurance to those with incomes under 400 percent of the federal poverty line. See 26 U.S.C. § 36B; 42 U.S.C. §§ 18081, 18082. The Act also created government-run, taxpayer-funded health insurance marketplaces-known as "Exchanges"- which allow customers "to compare and purchase insurance plans." King, 135 S.Ct. at 2485; see also 42 U.S.C. § 18031. Opponents of the law argue that the law has led to unintended subsidies to keep plans afloat and insurance companies in the black. Texas points in its brief, for example, to a Congressional Budget Office study estimating that federal outlays for health insurance subsidies and related spending will rise by about 60 percent over the next ten years, from $58 billion in 2018 to $91 billion by 2028. CBO, The Budget and Economic Outlook: 2018 to 2028 at 51 (April 2018), available at https://tinyurl.com/CBOBudgetEconOutlook-2018-2028; State Plaintiffs' Br. at 13-14.

         The ACA also enlarged the class of people eligible for Medicaid to include childless adults with incomes up to 133 percent of the federal poverty line. 42 U.S.C. §§ 1396a(a)(10)(A)(i)(VII), 1396a(e)(14)(I)(i); NFIB, 567 U.S. at 541-42. The ACA originally required each state to expand its Medicaid program or risk losing "all of its federal Medicaid funds." NFIB, 567 U.S. at 542. In NFIB, however, the Supreme Court held that this exceeded Congress' powers under the Spending Clause. Id. at 585 (plurality opinion). But the Court allowed those states that wanted to accept Medicaid expansion funds to do so. See id. at 585-86 (plurality opinion); id. at 645-46 (Ginsburg, J., concurring in part, concurring in the judgment in part, and dissenting in part). As a result, the states that have not participated in the expansion now subsidize, through their general tax dollars, the states that have participated in expansion.

         Since the Act was passed, its opponents have attempted to attack it both through congressional amendment and through litigation. Between 2010 and 2016, Congress considered several bills to repeal, defund, delay, or amend the ACA. See Intervenor-Defendant States' Br. at 10. Except for a few modest changes, these efforts were closely fought but ultimately failed. Intervenor-Defendant States' Br. at 10-11. In 2017, the shift in presidential administrations reinvigorated opposition to the law, but many of these later legislative efforts failed as well. In March 2017, House leaders pulled a bill that would have repealed many of the ACA's essential provisions. In July 2017, the Senate voted on three separate bills that similarly would have repealed major provisions of the Act, but each vote failed.[6] Finally, in September 2017, several Senators introduced another bill that would have repealed some of the ACA's most significant provisions, but Senate leaders ultimately chose not to bring it to the floor for a vote. Intervenor-Defendant States' Br. at 11.

         The ACA's opponents also took their cause to the courts in a series of lawsuits, some of which reached the Supreme Court. Particularly relevant here, the Court, in NFIB, upheld the law's individual mandate. 567 U.S. at 574. Through fractured voting and shifting majorities-explained in more detail in Part V of this opinion-the Court decided that the ACA's individual mandate could be read as a tax on an individual's decision not to purchase insurance, which was a constitutional exercise of Congress' taxing powers under Article I of the U.S. Constitution. Id.; U.S. Const. art. I, § 8, cl. 1. The Court favored this tax interpretation to save the provision from unconstitutionality. Reading the provision as a standalone command to purchase insurance would have rendered it unconstitutional. This reading could not have been justified under the Commerce Clause because it would have done more than "regulate commerce . . . among the several states." U.S. Const. art. I, § 8, cl. 3. It would have compelled individuals to enter commerce in the first place.[7] NFIB, 567 U.S. at 557-58. The Court also held that the provision could not be justified under the Constitution's Necessary and Proper Clause. Id. at 561 (Roberts, C.J.); id. at 654-55 (Scalia, Kennedy, Thomas, and Alito, JJ., dissenting).

         In December 2017, the ACA's opponents achieved some legislative success. As part of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, Congress set the "shared responsibility payment" amount-the amount a person must pay for failing to comply with the individual mandate-to the "lesser" of "zero percent" of an individual's household income or "$0," effective January 2019. Pub. L. No. 115-97, § 11081, 131 Stat. 2054, 2092 (2017); see also 26 U.S.C. § 5000A(c). The individual mandate is still "on the books" of the U.S. Code and still consists of the three fundamental components it always featured. Subsection (a) prescribes that certain individuals "shall . . . ensure" that they and their dependents are "covered under minimum essential coverage." 26 U.S.C. § 5000A(a). Subsection (b) "impose[s] . . . a penalty" called a "[s]hared responsibility payment" on those who fail to ensure they have minimum essential coverage. 26 U.S.C. § 5000A(b). Subsection (c) sets the amount of that payment. All Congress did in 2017 was change the amount in subsection (c) to zero dollars. 26 U.S.C. § 5000A(c).

         Two months after the shared responsibility payment was set at zero dollars, the plaintiffs here-two private citizens[8] and eighteen states[9]-filed this lawsuit against several federal defendants: the United States of America, the Department of Health and Human Services and its Secretary, Alex Azar, as well as the Internal Revenue Service and its Acting Commissioner, David J. Kautter. The plaintiffs argued that the individual mandate was no longer constitutional because: (1) NFIB rested the individual mandate's constitutionality exclusively on reading the provision as a tax; and (2) the 2017 amendment undermined any ability to characterize the individual mandate as a tax because the provision no longer generates revenue, a requirement for a tax. The plaintiffs argued further that, because the individual mandate was essential to and inseverable from the rest of the ACA, the entire ACA must be enjoined. On this theory, the plaintiffs sought declaratory relief that the individual mandate is unconstitutional and the rest of the ACA is inseverable. The plaintiffs also sought an injunction prohibiting the federal defendants from enforcing any provision of the ACA or its regulations.

         The federal defendants agreed with the plaintiffs that once the shared responsibility payment was reduced to zero dollars, the individual mandate was no longer constitutional. They also agreed that the individual mandate could not be severed from the ACA's guaranteed-issue and community-rating requirements. Unlike the plaintiffs, however, the federal defendants contended in the district court that those three provisions could be severed from the rest of the Act. Driven by the federal defendants' decision not to fully defend against the lawsuit, sixteen states[10] and the District of Columbia intervened to defend the ACA.

         The district court agreed with the plaintiffs' arguments on the merits. Specifically, the court held that: (1) the individual plaintiffs had standing because the individual mandate compelled them to purchase insurance; (2) setting the shared responsibility payment to zero rendered the individual mandate unconstitutional; and (3) the unconstitutional provision could not be severed from any other part of the ACA. The district court granted the plaintiffs' claim for declaratory relief. Specifically, the district court's order "declares the Individual Mandate, 26 U.S.C. § 5000A(a), UNCONSTITUTIONAL," and the order further declares that "the remaining provisions of the ACA, Pub L. 111-148, are INSEVERABLE and therefore INVALID." The district court, however, denied the plaintiffs' application for a preliminary injunction. The district court entered partial final judgment[11] as to the grant of summary judgment for declaratory relief, but stayed judgment pending appeal. This appeal followed.

         On appeal, the U.S. House of Representatives intervened to join the intervenor-defendant states in defending the ACA.[12] Also on appeal, the federal defendants changed their litigation position. After contending in the district court that only a few provisions of the ACA were inseverable from the individual mandate, the federal defendants contend in their opening brief for the first time that all of the ACA is inseverable. See Fed. Defendants' Br. at 43-49. Moreover, the federal defendants contend for the first time on appeal that-even though the entire ACA is inseverable-the court should not enjoin the enforcement of the entire ACA. The federal defendants now argue that the district court's judgment should be affirmed "except insofar as it purports to extend relief to ACA provisions that are unnecessary to remedy plaintiffs' injuries."[13] Fed. Defendants' Br. at 49. They also now argue that the district court's judgment "cannot be understood as extending beyond the plaintiff states to invalidate the ACA in the intervenor states." Fed. Defendants' Supp. Br. at 10. Simply put, the federal defendants have shifted their position on appeal more than once.

         II.

         We review a district court's grant of summary judgment de novo. Time Warner Cable, Inc. v. Hudson, 667 F.3d 630, 638 (5th Cir. 2012). Summary judgment is appropriate when "the movant shows that there is no genuine dispute as to any material fact and the movant is entitled to judgment as a matter of law." Fed.R.Civ.P. 56(a); see also Dialysis Newco, Inc. v. Cmty. Health Sys. Grp. Health Plan, 938 F.3d 246, 250 (5th Cir. 2019). A dispute about a material fact is genuine if "the evidence is such that a reasonable jury could return a verdict for the non-moving party." Amerisure Ins. v. Navigators Ins., 611 F.3d 299, 304 (5th Cir. 2010) (quoting Gates v. Tex. Dep't of Protective & Regulatory Servs., 537 F.3d 404, 417 (5th Cir. 2008)). When ruling on a motion for summary judgment, the court views all inferences drawn from the factual record "in the light most favorable to the non-moving parties below." Trent v. Wade, 776 F.3d 368, 373 n.1 (5th Cir. 2015).

         III.

         We first must consider whether there is a live "[c]ase" or "[c]ontroversy" before us on appeal, as Article III of the U.S. Constitution requires. U.S. Const. art. III, § 1. A case or controversy does not exist unless the person asking the court for a decision-in this case, asking us to decide whether the district court's judgment was correct-has standing, which requires a showing of "injury, causation, and redressability." Sierra Club v. Babbitt, 995 F.2d 571, 574 (5th Cir. 1993). When "standing to appeal is at issue, appellants must demonstrate some injury from the judgment below." Id. at 575 (emphasis omitted).

         We conclude, as all parties agree, that there is a case or controversy before us on appeal. Two groups of parties appealed from the district court's judgment: the federal defendants, and the intervenor-defendant states.[14] There is a case or controversy before us because both of these groups have their own independent standing to appeal.[15]

         The federal defendants have standing to appeal. The instant case is on all fours with the Supreme Court's decision in United States v. Windsor, 570 U.S. 744 (2013). In that case, the executive branch of the federal government declined to defend a federal statute that did not allow the surviving spouse of a same-sex couple to receive a spousal tax deduction. Id. at 749-53. The district court ruled that the statute was unconstitutional and ordered the executive branch to issue a tax refund to the surviving spouse. Id. at 754-55. The executive branch agreed with the district court's legal conclusion, but it appealed the judgment and continued to enforce the statute by withholding the tax refund until a final judicial resolution. Id. at 757-58.

         The Supreme Court ruled that "the United States retain[ed] a stake sufficient to support Article III jurisdiction." Id. at 757. That stake was the tax refund, which the federal government refused to pay. This threat of payment of money from the Treasury constituted "a real and immediate economic injury" to the federal government, which was sufficient for standing purposes. Id. at 757-58 (quoting Hein v. Freedom From Religion Found., Inc., 551 U.S. 587, 599 (2007) (plurality opinion)). As the Court explained, "the refusal of the Executive to provide the relief sought suffices to preserve a justiciable dispute as required by Article III." Windsor, 570 U.S. at 759; see also Food Mktg. Inst. v. Argus Leader Media, 139 S.Ct. 2356, 2362 (2019) (concluding that there was a justiciable controversy because the government "represented unequivocally" that it would not voluntarily moot the controversy absent a final judicial order, and "[t]hat is enough to satisfy Article III"); INS v. Chadha, 462 U.S. 919, 939 (1983) (holding that there was "adequate Art. III adverseness" because the executive branch determined that a federal statute was unconstitutional and refused to defend it but simultaneously continued to abide by it).

         The instant case is similar. Though the plaintiffs and the federal defendants are in almost complete agreement on the merits of the case, the government continues to enforce the entire Act. The federal government has made no indication that it will begin dismantling any part of the ACA in the absence of a final court order. Just as in Windsor, then, effectuating the district court's order would require the federal government to take actions that it would not take "but for the court's order." Windsor, 570 U.S. at 758. And just as in Windsor, the federal defendants stand to suffer financially if the district court's judgment is affirmed.[16] As just one example, the district court's judgment declares the Act's Medicare reimbursement schedules unlawful, which, if given effect, would require Medicare to reimburse healthcare providers at higher rates. See, e.g., 42 U.S.C. § 1395ww(b)(3)(B)(xi)-(xii). Therefore, just as in Windsor, an appellate decision here will "have real meaning." 570 U.S. at 758 (quoting Chadha, 462 U.S. at 939).[17]

         The intervenor-defendant states also have standing to appeal. While a party's mere "status as an intervenor below . . . does not confer standing," Diamond v. Charles, 476 U.S. 54, 68 (1986), intervenors may appeal if they can demonstrate injury from the district court's judgment. Sierra Club, 995 F.2d at 574; see also Va. House of Delegates v. Bethune-Hill, 139 S.Ct. 1945, 1951 (2019); Cooper v. Tex. Alcoholic Beverage Comm'n, 820 F.3d 730, 737 (5th Cir. 2016). The intervenor-defendant states have made this showing because the district court's judgment, if ultimately given effect, would: (1) strip these states of funding that they receive under the ACA; and (2) threaten to hamstring these states in possible future litigation because of the district court judgment's potentially preclusive effect.[18]

         First, the intervenor-defendant states receive significant funding from the ACA, which would be discontinued if we affirmed the district court's judgment declaring the entire Act unconstitutional. "[F]inancial loss as a result of" a district court's judgment is an injury sufficient to support standing to appeal. United States v. Fletcher ex rel. Fletcher, 805 F.3d 596, 602 (5th Cir. 2015). In their supplemental briefing, the intervenor-defendant states identify a few examples of the funding sources they would lose under the district court's judgment. Evidence in the record shows that eliminating the Act's Medicaid expansion provisions alone would cost the original sixteen intervening state defendants and the District of Columbia a total of more than $418 billion in the next decade. See 42 U.S.C. §§ 1396a(a)(10)(A)(i)(VIII), (e)(14)(I)(i), 1396d(y)(1). Moreover, the Act's Community First Choice Option program gives states funding to care for the disabled and elderly at home or in their communities instead of in institutions. See 42 U.S.C. § 1396n(k). Record evidence shows that eliminating this program would cost California $400 million in 2020, and that Oregon and Connecticut have already received $432.1 million under this program. This evidence is more than enough to show that the intervenor-defendant states would suffer financially if the district court's judgment is given effect, an injury sufficient to confer standing to appeal. See Dep't of Commerce v. New York, 139 S.Ct. 2551, 2565 (2019).

         The district court's judgment, if given effect, also threatens to injure the intervenor-defendant states with the judgment's potentially preclusive effect in future litigation. We have held that "[a] party may be aggrieved by a district court decision that adversely affects its legal rights or position vis-à-vis other parties in the case or other potential litigants." Leonard v. Nationwide Mut. Ins., 499 F.3d 419, 428 (5th Cir. 2007) (quoting Custer v. Sweeney, 89 F.3d 1156, 1164 (4th Cir. 1996)). If the federal defendants began unwinding the ACA, either in reliance on the district court's judgment or on their own, the district court's judgment would potentially estop the intervenor-defendant states from challenging that action in court. This case thus stands in contrast to the cases in which there was no chance whatsoever of a preclusive effect. See Klamath Strategic Inv. Fund ex rel. St. Croix Ventures v. United States, 568 F.3d 537, 546 (5th Cir. 2009) (holding that there was no threatened injury from potential estoppel from the appealed-from judgment because that judgment was interlocutory, not final, and therefore could not estop the appealing party).

         Finally, we examine the standing of the U.S. House of Representatives, which intervened after the case had been appealed. The Supreme Court's recent decision in Virginia House of Delegates v. Bethune-Hill calls the House's standing to intervene into doubt. 139 S.Ct. at 1953 ("This Court has never held that a judicial decision invalidating a state law as unconstitutional inflicts a discrete, cognizable injury on each organ of government that participated in the law's passage."). However, we need not resolve the question of the House's standing. "Article III does not require intervenors to independently possess standing" when a party already in the lawsuit has standing and seeks the same "ultimate relief" as the intervenor. Ruiz v. Estelle, 161 F.3d 814, 830 (5th Cir. 1998). That is the case here: the intervenor-defendant states have standing to appeal, and the House seeks the same relief as those states. We accordingly pretermit the issue of whether the House has standing to intervene.

         IV.

         We now turn to the issue of whether any of the plaintiffs had Article III standing to bring this case at the time they brought the lawsuit. To be a case or controversy under Article III, the plaintiffs must satisfy the same three requirements listed above. First, a plaintiff must have suffered an "injury in fact"-a violation of a legally protected interest that is "concrete and particularized," as well as "actual or imminent, not 'conjectural' or 'hypothetical.'" Lujan v. Defs. of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 560 (1992) (quoting Whitmore v. Arkansas, 495 U.S. 149, 155 (1990)). Second, that injury must be "fairly . . . trace[able] to the challenged action of the defendant, and not . . . th[e] result [of] the independent action of some third party not before the court." Id. (alterations in original) (quoting Simon v. E. Ky. Welfare Rights Org., 426 U.S. 26, 41-42 (1976)). Third, it must be "likely"-not merely "speculative"-that the injury will be "redressed by a favorable decision." Id. at 561 (quoting Simon, 426 U.S. at 38, 43).

         The instant case has two groups of plaintiffs: the individual plaintiffs and the state plaintiffs. Only one plaintiff need succeed because "one party with standing is sufficient to satisfy Article III's case-or-controversy requirement."[19] Texas v. United States (DAPA), 809 F.3d 134, 151 (5th Cir. 2015) (quoting Rumsfeld v. Forum for Acad. & Institutional Rights, Inc., 547 U.S. 47, 52 n.2 (2006)).[20] The individual plaintiffs and the state plaintiffs allege different injuries. We evaluate each in turn and conclude that both the individual plaintiffs and the state plaintiffs have standing.

         A.

         The standing issues presented by the individual plaintiffs are not novel. The Supreme Court faced a similar situation when it decided NFIB in 2012. At oral argument in that case, Justice Kagan asked Gregory Katsas, representing NFIB, whether he thought "a person who is subject to the [individual] mandate but not subject to the [shared responsibility payment] would have standing." Transcript of Oral Argument at 68, Dep't of Health and Human Servs. v. Florida, 567 U.S. 519 (2012) (No. 11-398). Mr. Katsas replied, "Yes, I think that person would, because that person is injured by compliance with the mandate." Id. Mr. Katsas explained, "the injury-when that person is subject to the mandate, that person is required to purchase health insurance. That's a forced acquisition of an unwanted good. It's a classic pocketbook injury." Id. at 68-69.

         In 2012, this questioning made sense because neither the individual mandate nor the shared responsibility payment would be assessed for another two years. Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, Pub. L. No. 111-148, § 1501, 124 Stat. 119, 244 (2012) (requiring insurance coverage "for each month beginning after 2013" and applying the shared responsibility payment for any failure to purchase insurance "during any calendar year beginning after 2013"). It was thus certainly imminent that the private plaintiffs would be subject to the individual mandate, which applies to everyone, but not certain that they would be subject to the shared responsibility payment, which exempts certain people. 26 U.S.C. § 5000A(e) (prescribing that "[n]o penalty shall be imposed" on certain groups of people).[21] The distinction was important because a plaintiff "must demonstrate standing for each claim he seeks to press." Davis v. Fed. Election Comm'n, 554 U.S. 724, 734 (2008) (quoting DaimlerChrysler Corp. v. Cuno, 547 U.S. 332, 352 (2006)). To bring a claim against the individual mandate, therefore, the plaintiffs needed to show injury from the individual mandate-not from the shared responsibility payment.

         Accordingly, the district court in NFIB ruled that the private plaintiffs were injured by the ACA "because of the financial expense [they would] definitively incur under the Act in 2014," and the private plaintiffs' need "to take investigatory steps and make financial arrangements now to ensure compliance then." Florida ex rel. Bondi v. U.S. Dep't of Health & Human Servs., 780 F.Supp.2d 1256, 1271 (N.D. Fla. 2011), aff'd in part and rev'd in part, 648 F.3d 1235 (11th Cir. 2011), aff'd in part and rev'd in part, 567 U.S. 519 (2012). The record evidence in that case supported this conclusion. Mary Brown, one of the private plaintiffs in that case, for example, had declared that "to comply with the individual insurance mandate, and well in advance of 2014, I must now investigate whether and how to rearrange my personal finance affairs." Appendix of Exhibits in Support of Plaintiffs' Motion for Summary Judgment, Florida v. U.S. Dep't of Health & Human Servs., No. 3:10-cv-91-RV/EMT (N.D. Fla. Nov. 10, 2010), ECF No. 80-6. At the Eleventh Circuit, all parties agreed that Mary Brown had standing. Florida ex rel. Atty. Gen. v. U.S. Dep't of Health & Human Servs., 648 F.3d 1235, 1243 (11th Cir. 2011), aff'd in part and rev'd in part, 567 U.S. 519 (2012) ("Defendants do not dispute that plaintiff Brown's challenge to the minimum coverage provision is justiciable."). Congress could have reasonably contemplated people like Mary Brown. As Mr. Katsas explained at oral argument in the Supreme Court, "Congress reasonably could think that at least some people will follow the law precisely because it is the law." Transcript of Oral Argument at 67, Dep't of Health & Human Servs. v. Florida, 567 U.S. 519 (2012) (No. 11-398).

         The district court in the instant case followed a similar approach with regard to the individual plaintiffs' standing.[22] It concluded that because the individual plaintiffs are the object of the individual mandate, which requires them to purchase health insurance that they do not want, those plaintiffs have demonstrated two types of "injury in fact": (1) the financial injury of buying that insurance; and (2) the "increased regulatory burden" that the individual mandate imposes. In concluding that these injuries were caused by the individual mandate, the court made specific fact findings that both Nantz and Hurley purchased insurance solely because they are "obligated to comply with the . . . individual mandate." The district court made these findings based on Nantz's and Hurley's declarations, which the intervenor-defendant states never challenged. Because the undisputed evidence showed that the individual mandate caused these injuries, the district court reasoned that a favorable judgment would redress both injuries, allowing the individual plaintiffs to forgo purchasing health insurance and freeing them "from what they essentially allege to be arbitrary governance."

         We agree with the district court. The Supreme Court has held that when a lawsuit challenges "the legality of government action or inaction, the nature and extent of facts that must be averred (at the summary judgment stage) or proved (at the trial stage) in order to establish standing depends considerably upon whether" the plaintiffs are themselves the "object[s] of the action (or forgone action) at issue." Lujan, 504 U.S. at 561; see also Texas v. EEOC, 933 F.3d 433, 446 (5th Cir. 2019). "Whether someone is in fact an object of a regulation is a flexible inquiry rooted in common sense." EEOC, 933 F.3d at 446 (quoting Contender Farms, L.L.P. v. U.S. Dep't of Agric., 779 F.3d 258, 265 (5th Cir. 2015)). If a plaintiff is indeed the object of a regulation, "there is ordinarily little question that the action or inaction has caused [the plaintiff] injury, and that a judgment preventing or requiring the action will redress it." Lujan, 504 U.S. at 561-62.

         It is undisputed that Hurley and Nantz are the objects of the individual mandate and that they have purchased insurance in order to comply with that mandate. Record evidence supports these conclusions. In his declaration in the district court, Nantz stated, "I continue to maintain minimum essential health coverage because I am obligated." Similarly, Hurley averred in his declaration that he is "obligated to comply with the ACA's individual mandate." They both explain in their declarations that they "value compliance with [their] legal obligations" and bought insurance because they "believe that following the law is the right thing to do." Accordingly, the district court expressly found that Hurley and Nantz bought health insurance because they are obligated to, and we must defer to that factual finding. The evidentiary basis for this injury is even stronger than it was in NFIB. In the instant case, the individual mandate has already gone into effect, compelling Nantz and Hurley to purchase insurance now as opposed to two years in the future.

         The intervenor-defendant states fail to point to any evidence contradicting these declarations, and they did not challenge this evidence in the district court. In fact, some of the evidence these parties rely on actually supports the conclusion that Nantz and Hurley purchased insurance to comply with the individual mandate. The intervenor-defendant states acknowledge a 2017 report from the Congressional Budget Office indicating that "a small number of people" would continue to buy insurance without a penalty "solely because" of a desire to comply with the law. Cong. Budget Office, Repealing the Individual Health Insurance Mandate: An Updated Estimate 1 (Nov. 2017). This report is at least somewhat consistent with a 2008 Congressional Budget Office report, relied on by the state plaintiffs, that "[m]any individuals" subject to the mandate, but not the shared responsibility payment, will obtain coverage to comply with the mandate "because they believe in abiding by the nation's laws." Cong. Budget Office, Key Issues in Analyzing Major Health Insurance Proposals 53 (Dec. 2008). Whether this group of law-abiding citizens includes "many individuals" or "a small number of people," Nantz and Hurley have undisputed evidence showing that they are a part of this group.

         In this context, being required to buy something that you otherwise would not want is clearly within the scope of what counts as a "legally cognizable injury." "Economic injury" of this sort is "a quintessential injury upon which to base standing." Tex. Democratic Party v. Benkiser, 459 F.3d 582, 586 (5th Cir. 2006); see also Vt. Agency of Nat. Res. v. United States, 529 U.S. 765, 772-77 (1998) (finding Article III injury from financial harm); Clinton v. New York, 524 U.S. 417, 432 (1998) (same); Sierra Club v. Morton, 405 U.S. 727, 733-34 (1972) (same); DAPA, 809 F.3d at 155 (same). In Benkiser, for example, we held that a political party would suffer an injury in fact because it would need to "expend additional funds" in order to comply with the challenged regulation. 459 F.3d at 586. In the instant case, the undisputed record evidence shows that the individual plaintiffs have spent "additional funds" to comply with the statutory provision that they challenge on constitutional grounds.

         This injury, moreover, is "actual," not merely a speculative fear about future harm that may or may not happen. Lujan, 504 U.S. at 560. The record shows that, at the time of the complaint, Hurley and Nantz held health insurance, spending money every month that they did not want to spend. Nantz reports that his monthly premium is $266.56, and Hurley says his is $1, 081.70. The injury is also "concrete" because it involves the real expenditure of those funds. See Barlow v. Collins, 397 U.S. 159, 162-63, 164 (1970) (finding a concrete injury when a regulation caused economic harm from lost profit).

         Causation and redressability "flow naturally" from this concrete, particularized injury. Contender Farms, 779 F.3d at 266. The evidence in the record from Hurley's and Nantz's declarations show that they would not have purchased health insurance but for the individual mandate, and the intervenor-defendant states have no evidence to the contrary. A judgment declaring that the individual mandate exceeds Congress' powers under the Constitution would allow Hurley and Nantz to forgo the purchase of health insurance that they do not want or need. They could purchase health insurance below the "minimum essential coverage" threshold, or even decide not to purchase any health insurance at all.

         The intervenor-defendant states make several arguments against this straightforward injury, and all of them come up short. They first argue that there is no legally cognizable injury because there is no longer any penalty for failing to comply. In one sense, this argument misses the point. The threat of a penalty that Hurley and Nantz would face under the pre-2017 version of the statute is one potential form of injury, but it is far from the only one. We have held that the costs of compliance can constitute an injury just as much as the injuries from failing to comply. See, e.g., Benkiser, 459 F.3d at 586. Thus, in this instance, it is this injury-the time and money spent complying with the statute, not the penalty for failing to do so-that constitutes the plaintiffs' injury.

         But the intervenor-defendant states also argue that even the costs of compliance cannot count as an injury in fact if there is no consequence for failing to comply. The individual mandate's compulsion cannot inflict a cognizable injury, they say, because it is not a compulsion at all. Because the enforcement mechanism has been removed, the U.S. House contends, it is now merely a suggestion, at most. We recently rejected this argument in Texas v. EEOC, when the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission tried to argue that Texas could not challenge its allegedly non-final administrative guidance because "the Guidance does not compel Texas to do anything." 933 F.3d at 448. We concluded that it would "strain credulity to find that an agency action targeting current 'unlawful' discrimination among state employers-and declaring presumptively unlawful the very hiring practices employed by state agencies-does not require action immediately enough to constitute an injury-in-fact."[23] Id. The individual mandate is no different. Just like the agency guidance, the individual mandate targets as "unlawful" the decision to go without health insurance.

         The dissenting opinion grounds its discussion of the issue in the Supreme Court's decision in Poe v. Ullman, 367 U.S. 497 (1961). There, the Supreme Court rejected a challenge to Connecticut's criminal prohibition on contraception. The dissenting opinion states that if there was no standing in Ullman, then there cannot be standing here. The dissenting opinion seems to treat Ullman as part of the "pre-enforcement challenge" line of cases in which the Supreme Court analyzed claims of injury based on future enforcement to determine whether the future enforcement was sufficiently imminent. Ullman, however, is not cited in the seminal Supreme Court cases of that line. See, e.g., Susan B. Anthony List v. Driehaus, 573 U.S. 149, 158-61 (2014); Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project, 561 U.S. 1, 15 (2010); Virginia v. Am. Booksellers Ass'n, Inc., 484 U.S. 383, 392-93 (1988); Babbitt v. United Farm Workers Nat'l Union, 442 U.S. 289, 298 (1979); see also Abbott Labs. v. Gardner, 387 U.S. 136, 154 (1967). More importantly, as we have explained, this case is not a pre-enforcement challenge because the plaintiffs have already incurred a financial injury.[24]

         The plurality opinion in Ullman said there was insufficient adversity between the parties because there was overwhelming evidence-eighty years' worth of no enforcement of the statute-of "tacit agreement" between prosecutors and the public not to enforce the anti-contraceptive laws that the plaintiffs challenged. 367 U.S. at 507-08. As a result, the Court held that the lawsuit before it was "not such an adversary case as will be reviewed here." Id. The fifth, controlling vote in that case-Justice Brennan, who concurred in the judgment-emphasized that this adverseness was lacking because of the case's "skimpy record," devoid of evidence that the "individuals [were] truly caught in an inescapable dilemma." Id. at 509 (Brennan, J., concurring).

         By contrast, as documented above, the record in the instant case contains undisputed evidence that Nantz and Hurley feel compelled by the individual mandate to buy insurance and that they bought insurance solely for that reason. Especially in light of the fact that the individual mandate lacks a similar eighty-year history of nonenforcement, Nantz and Hurley have gone much further in demonstrating that they are caught in the "inescapable dilemma" that the Ullman plaintiffs were not.

         The intervenor-defendant states also argue that there is no causation between the individual mandate and Hurley and Nantz's purchase of insurance because Hurley and Nantz exercised a voluntary "choice" to purchase insurance. Because Nantz and Hurley would face no consequence if they went without insurance, the intervenor-defendant states argue that their purchase of insurance is not fairly traceable to the federal defendants. Instead, they claim that Nantz and Hurley impermissibly attempt to "manufacture standing merely by inflicting harm on themselves." Glass v. Paxton, 900 F.3d 233, 239 (5th Cir. 2018) (quoting Clapper v. Amnesty Int'l USA, 568 U.S. 398, 416 (2013)).

         This argument fails, however, because it conflates the merits of the case with the threshold inquiry of standing. The argument assumes that 26 U.S.C. § 5000A presents not a legal command to purchase insurance, but an option between purchasing insurance and doing nothing. Because this option exists, the argument goes, any injury arising from Hurley's and Nantz's decisions to buy insurance instead of doing nothing (the other putative option) is entirely self-inflicted. This, however, is a merits question that can be reached only after determining the threshold issue of whether plaintiffs have standing.

         Texas v. EEOC makes clear that courts cannot fuse the standing inquiry into the merits in this way. There, in addition to the injury described above from the Guidance's rebuke of Texas's employment practices as "unlawful," Texas claimed it was injured by the EEOC's curtailing of Texas's procedural right to notice and comment before being subject to a regulation. EEOC, 933 F.3d at 447. In rejecting the suggestion that Texas was not truly injured because the EEOC had not in fact violated the Administrative Procedure Act's notice-and-comment rules, we held that "[w]e assume, for purposes of the standing analysis, that Texas is correct on the merits of its claim that the Guidance was promulgated in violation of the APA." Id. (citing Sierra Club v. EPA, 699 F.3d 530, 533 (D.C. Cir. 2012)); see also Bennett v. Spear, 520 U.S. 154, 177-78 (1997) (treating constitutional standing and finality as distinct inquiries).

         Indeed, allowing a consideration of the merits as part of a jurisdictional inquiry would conflict with the Supreme Court's express decision in Steel Co v. Citizens for a Better Environment to not abandon "two centuries of jurisprudence affirming the necessity of determining jurisdiction before proceeding to the merits." 523 U.S. 83, 98 (1998). That case presented both the question of Article III standing and the merits question of whether the relevant statute authorized lawsuits for purely past violations. Id. at 86. The Court rejected any "attempt to convert the merits issue . . . into a jurisdictional one." Id. at 93. The Court further rejected the "doctrine of hypothetical jurisdiction," under which certain courts of appeals had "proceed[ed] immediately to the merits question, despite jurisdictional objections" in certain circumstances. Id. at 93-94. As the district court correctly noted, that is exactly what the appellants ask this court to do. They urge us to "skip ahead to the merits to determine § 5000A(a) is non-binding and therefore constitutional and then revert to the standing analysis to use its merits determination to conclude there was no standing to reach the merits in the first place."

         Moreover, even if we were to consider the merits as part of our jurisdictional inquiry, it would not make a difference in this case. Because we conclude in Part IV of this opinion that the individual mandate is best read as a command to purchase insurance (and an unconstitutional one at that), rather than as an option between buying insurance or doing nothing, the individual plaintiffs would have standing even if we considered the merits.[25]

         B.

         We next consider whether the eighteen state plaintiffs have standing, and we conclude that they do.[26] The state plaintiffs allege that the ACA causes them both a fiscal injury as employers and a sovereign injury "because it prevents them from applying their own laws and policies governing their own healthcare markets." State Plaintiffs' Br. at 25. In DAPA, we determined that the state of Texas was entitled to special solicitude because it was "exercising a procedural right created by Congress and protecting a 'quasi-sovereign' interest." DAPA, 809 F.3d at 162 (quoting Massachusetts v. EPA, 549 U.S. 497, 520 (2007)); see also id. at 154-55. Because the state plaintiffs in this case have suffered fiscal injuries as employers, we need not address special solicitude or the alleged sovereign injuries.

         Employers, including the state plaintiffs, are required by the ACA to issue forms verifying which employees are covered by minimum essential coverage and therefore do not need to pay the shared responsibility payment. See 26 U.S.C. § 6055(a) ("Every person who provides minimum essential coverage to an individual during a calendar year shall, at such time as the Secretary may prescribe, make a return described in subsection (b)."); 26 U.S.C. § 6056(a) ("Every applicable large employer [that meets certain statutory requirements] shall . . . make a return described in subsection (b)."). These provisions have led to Form 1095-B and 1095-C statements that employees receive from their employers around tax time, which include a series of check boxes indicating the months that employees had health coverage that complies with the ACA. State Plaintiffs' Br. at 23. These legally required reporting practices exist on top of state employers' own in-house administrative systems for managing and tracking their employees' health insurance coverage.

         The record is replete with evidence that the individual mandate itself has increased the cost of printing and processing these forms and of updating the state employers' in-house management systems. For example, Thomas Steckel, the director of the Division of Employee Benefits within the South Dakota Bureau of Human Resources, submitted a declaration documenting the administrative costs that the individual mandate has imposed by way of these reporting requirements. He said, "[t]he individual mandate caused significant administrative burdens and expenses to program our IT system to track and report ACA eligible employees and complete mandatory IRS Form 1095 annual reports." Steckel noted specifically that "the individual mandate caused . . . $100, 000.00 [in] ongoing costs" for Form 1095-C administration alone. The dissenting opinion discards this evidence as conclusory. But as even counsel for the intervenor-defendant states admitted at oral argument, nobody challenged this evidence as conclusory in the district court or in the appellate court.[27] Oral Argument at 5:12.

         South Dakota is far from the only state that has been harmed from the financial cost of the reporting requirements that the individual mandate aggravates. Judith Muck, the Executive Director of the Missouri Consolidated Health Care Plan, reported that Missouri's costs for preparing 1095-B forms, along with 1094-B forms, are projected to be $47, 300 in fiscal year 2019 and $49, 200 in fiscal year 2020. Similarly, Teresa MacCartney, the Chief Financial Officer of the State of Georgia and the Director of the Georgia Governor's Office of Planning and Budget, reported that Georgia's overall cost of compliance with the ACA's reporting requirements "is an estimated net $3.6 million to date." MacCartney also reported that after the ACA's implementation, Georgia's Department of Community Health "experienced increased enrollment of individuals already eligible for Medicaid benefits under pre-ACA eligibility standards." This enrollment increase required the Department to enhance its management systems, which was "very costly." Blaise Duran, who is the Manager for Underwriting, Data Analysis and Reporting for the Employees Retirement System of Texas, further documented Texas' costs of the reporting requirements. He declared that the Texas Employees Group Benefits Program "has made administrative process changes in connection with its ACA compliance, such as those related to the provision of Form 1095-Bs to plan participants and the Internal Revenue Service."[28]

         The intervenor-defendant states and the U.S. House have not challenged the state plaintiffs' evidence or presented any evidence to the contrary. Instead, they argue that the reporting requirements set forth in Sections 6055(a) and 6056(a) "are separate from the mandate and serve independent purposes." U.S. House Reply Br. at 19. Therefore, they claim, "any resulting injury is thus neither traceable to Section 5000A nor redressable by its invalidation." U.S. House Reply Br. at 19. But this misreads the undisputed evidence in the record. The individual mandate commands individuals to get insurance. Every time an individual gets that insurance through a state employer, the state employer must send the individual a form certifying that he or she is covered and otherwise process that information through in-house management systems.[29] Thus, the reporting requirements in Sections 6055(a) and 6056(a) flow from the individual mandate set forth in Section 5000A(a).

         These costs to the state plaintiffs are well-established.[30] Moreover, the continuing nature of these fiscal injuries is consistent with Fifth Circuit and Supreme Court precedent.

         In DAPA, we held that the state of Texas had standing to challenge the federal government's DAPA program because it stood to "have a major effect on the states' fisc." Id. at 152. This was because, if DAPA were permitted to go into effect, it would have "enable[d] at least 500, 000 illegal aliens in Texas" to satisfy Texas's requirements that the Department of Public Safety "'shall issue' a license to a qualified applicant," including noncitizens who present "documentation issued by the appropriate United States agency that authorizes the applicant to be in the United States." Id. at 155 (quoting Tex. Transp. Code §§ 521.142(a), 521.181). Evidence in the record showed that Texas, which subsidizes its licenses, would "lose a minimum of $130.89 on each one it issued to a DAPA beneficiary." Id. Even a "modest estimate" of predictable third-party behavior would rack up costs of "several million dollars." Id.

         The Supreme Court recently applied a similar analysis in Department of Commerce v. New York, 139 S.Ct. 2551 (2019). In that case, a group of state and local governments sued to prevent the federal government from including a question about citizenship status on the 2020 census. Id. at 2563. The Supreme Court held that these plaintiffs had standing because they met their burden "of showing that third parties will likely react in predictable ways to the citizenship question." Id. at 2566. The census question would likely lead to "noncitizen households responding . . . at lower rates than other groups, which in turn would cause them to be undercounted." Id. at 2565. This undercounting of third parties would injure the state and local governments by "diminishment of political representation, loss of federal funds, degradation of census data, and diversion of resources." Id.

         In both DAPA and Department of Commerce, the state plaintiffs demonstrated injury by showing that the challenged law would cause third parties to behave in predictable ways, which would inflict a financial injury on the states. The instant case is no different. The individual mandate commands people to ensure that they have minimum health insurance coverage. That predictably causes more people to buy insurance, which increases the administrative costs of the states to report, manage, and track the insurance coverage of their employees and Medicaid recipients. [31]

         V.

         Having concluded that both groups of plaintiffs have standing to bring this lawsuit, we must next determine whether the individual mandate is a constitutional exercise of congressional power. We conclude that it is not. We first discuss the Supreme Court's holding in NFIB, and then we explain why, under that holding, the individual mandate is no longer constitutional.

         A.

         The NFIB opinion was extremely fractured. In that case, Chief Justice Roberts wrote an opinion addressing several issues. Parts of that opinion garnered a majority of votes and served as the opinion of the Court.[32] In relevant part, Part III-A of the Chief Justice's opinion, joined by no other Justice, observed that "[t]he most straightforward reading of the [individual] mandate is that it commands individuals to purchase insurance," and that, using that reading of the statute, the individual mandate is not a valid exercise of Congress' power under the Interstate Commerce Clause. NFIB, 567 U.S. at 562, 546-61 (Roberts, C.J.). The Constitution, he explained, "gave Congress the power to regulate commerce, not to compel it." Id. at 555 (Roberts, C.J.). For similar reasons, the Chief Justice concluded that this command to purchase insurance could not be sustained under the Constitution's Necessary and Proper Clause. Id. The individual mandate was not "proper" because it expanded federal power, "vest[ing] Congress with the extraordinary ability to create the necessary predicate to the exercise of" its Interstate Commerce Clause powers. Id. at 560.

         Though no other Justices joined this part of the Chief Justice's opinion, the "joint dissent"-joined by Justices Scalia, Kennedy, Thomas, and Alito- reached the same conclusions on the Interstate Commerce Clause and Necessary and Proper Clause questions. Id. at 650-60 (joint dissent). A majority of the court, therefore, concluded that the individual mandate is not constitutional under either the Interstate Commerce Clause or the Necessary and Proper Clause.

         This limited reading of the Interstate Commerce Clause-and, by extension, of the Necessary and Proper Clause-was necessary to preserving "the country [that] the Framers of our Constitution envisioned." Id. at 554 (Roberts, C.J.). As Chief Justice Roberts observed, if the individual mandate were a proper use of the power to regulate interstate commerce, that power would "justify a mandatory purchase to solve almost any problem." Id. at 553 (Roberts, C.J.). If Congress can compel the purchase of health insurance today, it can, for example, micromanage Americans' day-to-day nutrition choices tomorrow. Id. (Roberts, C.J.); see also id. at 558 (Roberts, C.J.) (reasoning that, under an expansive view of the Commerce Clause, nothing would stop the federal government from compelling the purchase of broccoli).

         An expansive reading of the Interstate Commerce Clause would be foreign to the Framers, who saw the clause as "an addition which few oppose[d] and from which no apprehensions [were] entertained." Id. at 554 (Roberts, C.J.) (quoting The Federalist No. 45, at 293 (J. Madison) (C. Rossiter ed., 1961)). Elevating Congress' power to "regulate commerce . . . among the several states," U.S. Const. art. I, § 8, cl. 3, to a power to create commerce among the several states would make a Leviathan of the federal government, "everywhere extending the sphere of its activity and drawing all power into its impetuous vortex." NFIB, 567 U.S. at 554 (Roberts, C.J.) (quoting The Federalist No. 48, at 309 (J. Madison) (C. Rossiter ed., 1961)). Justice Scalia, writing for the joint dissenters, similarly noted that the more expansive reading of the Interstate Commerce Clause would render that provision a "font of unlimited power," id. at 653 (joint dissent), or, in the words of Alexander Hamilton, a "hideous monster whose devouring jaws . . . spare neither sex nor age, nor high nor low, nor sacred nor profane," id. (quoting The Federalist No. 33, at 202 (C. Rossiter ed., 1961)).

         In Part III-B, again joined by no other Justice, Chief Justice Roberts concluded that because the individual mandate found no constitutional footing in the Interstate Commerce or Necessary and Proper Clauses, the Supreme Court was obligated to consider the federal government's argument that, as an exercise in constitutional avoidance, the mandate could be read not as a command but as an option to purchase insurance or pay a tax. This "option" interpretation of the statute could save the statute from being unconstitutional, as it would be justified under Congress' taxing power. Id. at 561-63 (Roberts, C.J.); see also id. at 562 (Roberts, C.J.) ("No court ought, unless the terms of an act rendered it unavoidable, to give a construction to it which should involve a violation, however unintentional, of the constitution.") (quoting Parsons v. Bedford, 28 U.S. (3 Pet.) 433, 448-49 (1830)); see also id. at 563 (Roberts, C.J.) ("The question is not whether that is the most natural interpretation of the mandate, but only whether it is a 'fairly possible' one.") (quoting Crowell v. Benson, 285 U.S. 22, 62 (1932)).

         In Part III-C, the Chief Justice-writing for a majority of the Court, joined by Justices Ginsburg, Breyer, Sotomayor, and Kagan-undertook that inquiry of determining whether it was "fairly possible" to read the individual mandate as an option and thereby save its constitutionality. See id. at 563-74 (majority opinion). Chief Justice Roberts reasoned that the individual mandate could be read in conjunction with the shared responsibility payment in order to save the individual mandate from unconstitutionality. Read together with the shared responsibility payment, the entire statutory provision could be read as a legitimate exercise of Congress' taxing power for four reasons.

         First and most fundamentally, the shared-responsibility payment "yield[ed] the essential feature of any tax: It produce[d] at least some revenue for the Government." Id. at 564. Second, the shared-responsibility payment was "paid into the Treasury by taxpayers when they file their tax returns." Id. at 563 (alternations and internal quotation marks omitted). Third, the amount owed under the ACA was "determined by such familiar factors as taxable income, number of dependents, and joint filing status." Id. Fourth and finally, "[t]he requirement to pay [was] found in the Internal Revenue Code and enforced by the IRS, which . . . collect[ed] it in the same manner as taxes." Id. at 563-64 (internal quotation marks omitted).

         Because of these four attributes of the shared responsibility payment, the Court reasoned that "[t]he Federal Government does have the power to impose a tax on those without health insurance." Id. at 575. The Court concluded that "[s]ection 5000A is therefore constitutional, because it can reasonably be read as a tax."[33] Id. We agree with the dissenting opinion that "this case begins and ought to end" with NFIB.

         B.

         Now that the shared responsibility payment amount is set at zero, [34] the provision's saving construction is no longer available. The four central attributes that once saved the statute because it could be read as a tax no longer exist. Most fundamentally, the provision no longer yields the "essential feature of any tax" because it does not produce "at least some revenue for the Government." Id. at 564. Because the provision no longer produces revenue, it necessarily lacks the three other characteristics that once rendered the provision a tax. The shared-responsibility payment is no longer "paid into the Treasury by taxpayer[s] when they file their tax returns" because the payment is no longer paid by anyone. Id. at 563 (alteration in original and internal quotation marks omitted). The payment amount is no longer "determined by such familiar factors as taxable income, number of dependents, and joint filing status." Id. The amount is zero for everyone, without regard to any of these factors. The IRS no longer collects the payment "in the same manner as taxes" because the IRS cannot collect it at all. Id. at 563-64 (internal quotation marks omitted).

         Because these four critical attributes are now missing from the shared responsibility payment, it is, in the words of the state plaintiffs, "no longer 'fairly possible' to save the mandate's constitutionality under Congress' taxing power." State Plaintiffs' Br. at 32. The proper application of NFIB to the new version of the statute is to interpret it according to what Chief Justice Roberts-and four other Justices of the Court-said was the "most straightforward" reading of that provision: a command to purchase insurance. Id. at 562 (Roberts, C.J.). As the district court properly observed, "the only reading available is the most natural one." Under that reading, the individual mandate is unconstitutional because, under NFIB, it finds no constitutional footing in either the Interstate Commerce Clause or the Necessary and Proper Clause. Id. at 546-61 (Roberts, C.J.); id. at 650-60 (joint dissent).

         The intervenor-defendant states have several arguments against this conclusion, all of which fail. They first argue that the saving construction of the individual mandate, interpreting the provision as an option to buy insurance or pay a tax, is still "fairly possible." As the individual plaintiffs point out, the Court interpreted the individual mandate as an option only because doing so would save it from being unconstitutional. Accordingly, the intervenor-defendant states must show that the "option" would still be a constitutional exercise of Congress' taxing power. To make that showing, the intervenor-defendant states reject the plaintiffs' attempt to read a "some revenue" requirement into the Constitution's Taxing and Spending Clause, arguing instead for a potential-to-produce-revenue requirement. The individual mandate, they say, is still set out in the Internal Revenue Code. It still provides a "statutory structure through which" Congress could eventually tax people for failing to buy insurance. It still includes references to taxable income, number of dependents, and joint filing status. 26 U.S.C. §§ 5000A(b)(3), (c)(2), (c)(4). Further, it still does not apply to individuals who pay no federal income taxes. 26 U.S.C. § 5000A(e)(2).

         The intervenor-defendant states have little support for this reading of the Taxing and Spending Clause. For starters, NFIB could not be clearer that the "produc[tion]" of "at least some revenue for the Government"-not the potential to produce that revenue-is "the essential feature of any tax." 567 U.S. at 564 (majority opinion) (emphasis added). As the district court observed, when determining whether a statute is a tax, the actual production of revenue is "not indicative, not common-[but] essential."

         The intervenor-defendant states also find no support in United States v. Ardoin, 19 F.3d 177, 179-80 (5th Cir. 1994). In that unusual case, Congress had imposed a tax on machine guns, but subsequently outlawed machine guns altogether, which prompted the relevant agency to stop collecting the tax. Id. at 179-80. The defendant was convicted not only for possessing a machine gun but also for failing to pay the tax, which remained on the books. Id. at 178. The court upheld the conviction on the basis that the tax law at issue could "be upheld on the preserved, but unused, power to tax or on the power to regulate interstate commerce." Id. at 180. But the taxing power was "preserved" in Ardoin because it was non-revenue-producing only in practice whereas the "tax" here is actually $0.00 as written on the books.[35] See Fed. Defendants' Br. at 32. Expanding Ardoin to apply here would, as the federal defendants point out, puzzlingly allow Congress to "prohibit conduct that exceeds its commerce power through a two-step process of first taxing it and then eliminating the tax while retaining the prohibition." Fed. Defendants' Br. at 32.

         The intervenor-defendant states argue further that the individual mandate does not even need constitutional justification because it is merely a suggestion, not binding legislative action. The individual mandate, they contend, is no different from the Flag Code, which, though entered into the pages of the U.S. Code, "was not intended to proscribe conduct." Dimmitt v. City of Clearwater, 985 F.2d 1565, 1573 (11th Cir. 1993) (analyzing 36 U.S.C. §§ 174-76). This argument is just a repackaged version of their argument that the individual mandate can still be read as an option. But, as the state plaintiffs, the individual plaintiffs, and the federal defendants point out, the Supreme Court has already held that the "most straightforward" reading of the individual mandate-which emphatically demands that individuals "shall" buy insurance, 26 U.S.C. § 5000A(a)-is as a command to purchase health insurance. The Court then concluded that that command lacked constitutional justification. The zeroing out of the shared responsibility payment does not render the provision any less of a command. Quite the opposite: Chief Justice Roberts concluded that the greater-than-zero shared responsibility payment actually converted the individual ...


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